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THE LESSON OF THE HOUR. 




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What times are' these in which we live! What tragedies 
are we compelled to witness ! The President of a free people 
assassinated in his own capitol ! A conspiracy to murder 
the chief rulers of the nation, and thus paralyze or destroy 
the Government ! Our flag, that so lately waved joyfully 
in the breeze, now draped in mourning ; our bells, that rang 
out pseans of victory, tolling for sorrow ; our nation in tears, 
that but yesterday was jubilant and triumphing ! In what 
age, in what country, do we live, that such catastrophes are 
realities ? If the sun had been turned into darkness, and the 
moon into blood, the horror would scarcely have been more 
dreadful. Passion Week is henceforth to be doubly signifi- 
cant as commemorative of a nation's agony, and Good Friday 
will be shrouded in a deeper gloom from association with the 
slaughter of the most beloved of magistrates. It is a personal 
as well as a public loss. It is a stab at every loyal heart, as 
well as at* the cause of order, civiHzation, and liberty. God 
speaks to us by such events ; and it becomes us to listen to 
the teachings of his providence, as well as to his written 
word. 

The first impression that is made upon us, afteir we have 
recovered from the shock which well-nigh overwhelmed us, 
is the feelinof of minified astonishment and shame at the base- 
ness and enormity of thq crime. We see of what Avickedness 
man is capable. Human nature seems disgraced. The prin- 
cipal villain was not an ignorant, but a cultivated man. .He 
had no personal provocation. The object, of his dastardly 



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THE LESSON OF THE HOUR. 



and deadly aim Avas the representative and instrument of the 
people, who had given the least cause for the assault. If 
such a deed had been perpetrated under a despotism, during 
the dark ages, we might not have wondered. But that it 
should have occurred here, in this nineteenth century after 
Christ, in this enlightened land, under the most liberal form 
of government, at the hand of one intelligent, refined appar- 
ently, and even accomplished, proves the iniquity which 
man may commit, and the inadequacy of mere culture to 
prevent it. Education, indeed, only enables the criminal to 
be more artful and more successful. The arch-fiend himself 
has consummate power and intellect. It is the moral senti- 
ments alone that control the will and the life. As man may 
rise in the scale till he reach the measui-e of the stature of 
the fulness of Christ, so he may sink till he approximates the 
devils. The character of Judas is now less difficult to under- 
stand. He was only a betrayer, not a murderer. Here, 
however, was a parricide as well as a traitor. 

" Murder most foul, as in the best it is ; 
But this most foul, strange, and unnatural." 

It was an attempt at the life of the nation in the person of 
its Chief Magistrate. On the very day upon which our flag 
was replaced at Sumter as the symbol of the national author- 
ity, the head of the nation was struck down in Washington. 
It is a matter of humiliation as well as sorrow for us as a 
people. Those who hold their power by force against the 
will of their subjects now seem to say to us, " Art thou also 
become weak as we ? Art thou become like unto us ? " We 
never believed it possible that the spirit of assassination could 
exist among us, since we publicly declared, that rulers derive 
all their authority from the consent of the governed. We 
can hardly hear with patience of the deification of human 
nature ; that men are all embryo saints ; that sin is only 
stumbling, necessary to man's development, and deserving 
only of pity, but not of punishment. As this war has for ever 
silenced the advocates of peace, so let us hope that Ave shall 
hear no more of views which represent the criminal as merely 



THE LESSON OF THE HOUR. O 

unfortunate, and the assassin as only a less fully developed 
Christian. 

If we turn now to contemplate our great loss, we cannot 
but admire and bless that signal Providence which selected 
one who was the son of a " poor white " in a slave State, and 
who grew up in a log-cabin in a Western wilderness, to be 
the ruler of this great nation in the most critical period of 
its history. Abraham Lincoln was pre-eminently the product 
of our institutions. Not graceful or refined, not always using 
the English language correctly, so that he did not receive a 
degree from Harvard College, he has proved to be the very 
man for the times ; and he has won a place in the opinion of 
foreign critics and in the esteem of his countrymen, which is 
second only to that of Washington. He had the greatness of 
goodness ; not a powerful or a brilliant intellect, but plain, 
practical good sense, a sincere purpose to do right, an emi- 
nently catholic spirit that was ready to listen to all sides, and 
a firm, unshaken belief in the expediency of justice. He be- 
lieved in God, and in the victory of truth and righteousness. 
And when so many of our distinguished men have employed 
their talents to defend iniquity and to bolster up injustice, 
when so many of our presidents have encouraged corruption 
and intrigues, both at home and abroad, it was most auspici- 
ous that we had in the chair of state one whose honesty was 
unquestionable, and whose patriotism was above all doubt. 
Hence he proved such a skilful pilot, because he pursued so 
straight a course ; no man who ever wielded such power 
having had so few enemies. Considering that his life was 
menaced before he was inaugurated, and that he was con- 
stantly in peril, it is wonderful that he was spared so long. 
But his work is done. He lived to restore the old flag to the 
spot where it had been stricken down, and to tread the streets 
of the conquered capital. He has now gone to join the great 
army of which he was the commander-in-chief, who have laid 
down their lives for the country, and with whom he will ever 
be associated as the chief martyr. Providence did not per- 
mit him to rebuild the temple of our liberties ; but he was 
enabled to lay its foundations, to see its outlines and its glori- 



4 THE LESSON OF THE HOUR. 

ous proportions, and to behold all nations and races worship- 
ping in it. No greater treasure could be left to us than the 
legacy of his services and his example. 

It is impossible that one man could have concocted, ma- 
tured, and executed such a crime. There was a cause 
behind, and this act was only the " crest of the wave." To 
those who are familiar with the society of the South, this 
deed did not occasion surprise. Opinions and practices 
prevail there, which are in perfect harmony with this atroci- 
ty. Founded on a system of injustice which abrogates all 
natural rights and all personal relations, which denies liberty, 
marriage, knowledge even of the Bible, murder is rife there 
as the natural concomitant of ignorance, concubinage, and 
barbarism. Slavery corrupts the conscience, and relaxes the 
entire moral law. Deeds of violence are permitted and 
prompted by it ; and it is within the remembrance of all of us, 
that Southern senators in the Congress of the United States 
have publicly threatened to hang ISTorthern men, if only 
they could arrest them. The same fiendish spirit which 
massacred our wounded soldiers, Avhich starved our prisoners, 
which endeavored to burn the women and children in the 
hotels of a great city, renders a deed like this neither im- 
possible nor improbable. And when we know that it Avas 
declared by many at the South that Mr. Lincoln would never 
live to be inaugurated ; when we know that a million of dol- 
lars was asked for in their public prints as the price for the 
assassination of the President, Vice-President, and Secretary 
of State, — we are compelled to find here the instigating cause 
of the murder. The assassin says in his letter : " My love is 
for the South alone. This country was formed for the white, 
not for the black, man. African slavery is one of the greatest 
blessings God ever bestowed upon a favored nation." 

The author of this diabolical act was not a rebel, but a con- 
federate with rebels ; and his deed is the result of sympathy 
with treason. A Northern sympathizer with the enemy is far 
baser than a Southern foe. Not daring openly to take up arms 
against the Government, he opposes it by every means in his 
power. We all know in what quarters praise has been given 



THE LESSON OF THE HOUR. 5 

to the insurgents, false charges have been preferred against 
the Government, hatred has been enkindk>d against the bkicks, 
and the prediction made, that, if war broke out between the 
North and South, it woukl be can-ied on also in our own 
cities and towns. These declarations have tended to em- 
barrass our cause, to weaken the Government, to sow dissen- 
sions at home, to strengthen our enemies abroad, to encourage 
the South, and to create that state of disaffection which has 
now ripened into malicious murder. They who by their 
words have helped to make that public sentiment which has 
now manifested itself in act are morally participants in the 
guilt of it. " He that biddeth him God-speed is partaker of 
his evil deeds." Because treason involves such prodigious 
crimes, because this rebellion is so gigantic, we do not per- 
haps regard it with the abhorrence which it deserves. Vil- 
lany often makes men bold and desperate. But robbery and 
murder are not excusable because they are committed by 
many rather than by few, by States rather than by individ- 
uals. One might perhaps find even in Satan some qualities 
to admire. The enemy of the country is far more to be 
loathed than a personal enemy. Jefferson Davis is a far 
greater criminal than Booth, because a nation was his victim, 
and he has sacrificed thousands of lives. The republic is in a 
life or death struggle. Public sentiment is our only safeguard. 
To praise the enemy is to assist them. On this account, men 
should be held to a strict responsibility for their expressions. 
These may incite others to overt acts of treason. The North 
is full of persons of doubtful loyalty. The subtle poison in- 
stilled by slavery is still lurking in all its parts. It is well 
known that many of the friends of Edward Everett regretted 
his patriotic course. The assassin of the President has 
friends in Boston, and doubtless a large number of accom- 
plices throughout the country. There are many persons of 
wealth and influence who have no word of condemnation for 
the rebellion. Such persons are unworthy to live in a free 
country. Sympathy with treason is more dangerous than 
open rebellion. If alloM'ed to pass unrebuked, no one is safe, 
and civil war may at any time break out in our streets. We 



6 THE LESSON' OF THE HOUR. 

must have a public opinion which shall not allow even the 
utterance of disloyal sentiments. Let those who hold them, 
Avhether they be foreigners or natives, be compelled to 
silence ; or, if they speak, let them be shunned as the enemies 
of their country and of their race. If one can talk of this 
recent tragedy with any feeling but that of abhorrence for the 
actors in it, and for the spirit that prompted it, let him be 
excluded from society, and avoided as one who is in league 
with the powers of wickedness. 

In our treatment of the rebels, we must be cai'cful not to 
give way to the spirit of revenge. There is a tone of haughti- 
ness and contempt which is but little different from that used 
by the Southerners themselves. Sarcasm, malice, hate, are 
not justifiable even in a good cause. If we punish a boy, we 
should not taunt him. There should be righteous indigna- 
tion, but not unrighteous and unchristian resentment and 
wrath. There should not be vengeance, but justice ; a com- 
plete vindication of the right, and an utter extirpation of the 
wrong. There must be a distinction made between the 
leaders and the people. The latter are to live with us, and 
must be conciliated and civilized. The former, who know- 
ingly and wilfully have plotted and achieved all this mischief, 
must receive no forbearance or indulgence. They have been 
guilty of the greatest offence known to the law. They have 
sought the ruin of the nation. It is not safe that they should 
be permitted to live among us, to destroy our peace and in- 
jure our prosperity. We owe it to posterity that treason shall 
be regarded and punished as the most heinous of crimes. 
These incendiaries have no claims upon us, no rights which 
we are bound to respect. They, are vipers which must be 
crushed, else they will sting the hand that would nurse and 
feed them. Their spirit is inexorable and implacable. Their 
civil ruler declares, that the war shall be continued, that he 
will never abandon the work, that no peace shall be made, 
that again and again will he renew and maintain the contest. 
Their military leader, in his farewell to his defeated soldiers, 
expresses his increasing admiration of their constancy and 
devotion to the Confederacy, and says, " You will take with 



THE LESSOM OF THE HOUR. 7 

you the satisfaction that proceeds from the consciousness of 
duty faithfully performed." The Southern correspondent of 
the London Times Avrites, " If E.ichmond falls, and Lee and 
Johnston are driven from the field, it is but the first stage 
of the colossal revolution which will be completed. The 
closing scenes of this mightiest of revolutionary dramas will 
not be played out, save in the times of our children's chil- 
dren." No toleration must be extended to men who continue 
to avow such sentiments. The theory of State sovereignty 
nuist be for ever annihilated. The curse of slavery must be 
for ever extirpated. They who take the sword must abide 
the appeal to the sword. This even-handed justice must — 

" Commend the ingredients of their poisoned chalice 
To their own lips." 

We must have hereafter a stronger government, which 
can deal wdth the elements of treason and rebellion. There 
must also be more respect paid to our rulers, and more con- 
fidence reposed in them. Party opposition has been carried 
altogether too far. Prejudice and political feeling have, in 
some persons, well-nigh extinguished patriotism. We find 
fault with every act which does not accord with our views or 
policy. We do not recognize Government as the expression 
of Right, and obedience as a sacred duty. We do not appre- 
ciate our great men until they are taken from us. All persons 
now unite to honor the President when dead, who would not 
praise him if he were living. What a sad commentary is this 
on our injustice and ingratitude to public men ! Mr. Lincoln 
is a striking instance of the unreasonableness and unfiiirness 
of political opponents. He Avas blamed by both extremes. 
Let us see to it that his successor is better supported. 

In this country where the people rule, every citizen has a 
duty to perform. The State requires his allegiance and his 
service. Especially should the intelligent and religious por- 
tion of the community feel under solemn obliijation to sive 
their influence in the nomination and election of wise and 
virtuous rulers, in the support of all measures of sound 
public policy, and in the maintenance and increase of all use- 



8 THE LESSORS OF THE HOUK. 

ful institutions. The republic cannot spare the voice or vote 
of any of her good citizens. And yet a few persons control 
our elections, nominate our officers, superintend our public 
interests, and watch over the public good ! The withdrawal, 
one after another, of our prominent men, imposes an added 
responsibility on those who remain. When there are so many 
materials of discord in the State, every one should exert him- 
self to maintain order, liberty, and progress. A few reckless 
individuals can cause incalculable injury to the community. 
The price of liberty is eternal vigilance. The organs of pub- 
lic sentiment must be true. The tone of public debate must 
be candid. The spirit of public assemblies must be loyal and 
firm. The best tribute which we can pay to the memory of 
our great chief is increased fidelity to the principles which he 
represented. If his course commands our admiration, it 
should also incite us to imitation. 

We have many reasons for hope and encouragement as to 
our country. We have cause for gratitude, that, with all the 
hostile elements among us, we have escaped the outbreak of 
civil Avar at the North. We have cause for thanksgiving, that 
our people have showed themselves so devoted and brave ; 
bearing cheerfully the burdens and calamities of this conflict, 
and resolved that it shall be closed only by a righteous and 
lasting peace. We have cause for praise, that, notwithstand- 
ing our great loss, we have still so many able leaders left, and 
that our Government is so well able to cope with its open 
and its secret enemies. Our land is the dearer to us for our 
sacrifices. The blood of our martyrs sanctifies and enriches 
it. Their spirit passes into thousands of hearts. How costly 
is the progress of the race ! It is only by the giving of life 
that we can have life. The first period of the war is nearly 
closed. The military portion of the work is almost done. 
There remains the more difficult part, that of civil reconstruc- 
tion. We must have faith in our fundamental ideas. We 
must have faith in man and in human progress. Above all, 
we must have fiiilh in God, in the triumph of his truth, in 
the establishment of his kingdom on the earth. New glory 
and prosperity are in store for us, if we are only true to the 



THE LESSON OF THE HOUR. 9 

principles of that kingdom. In the M-ise words of our late 
i'resident, let us hope that peace " will come soon, and come 
to stay ; and so come as to be worth keeping in all future time. 
It will then have been proved that among freemen there can 
be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that 
they who take such appeal are sure to lose their cases, and pav 
tne cost. btiU, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final 
triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply 
the means,_never doubting that a just God in his own 'ood 
time will give us the rightful result." j,. j_ %^ 



